The chancellor has approached this week's spending review like a hesitant bather edging into icy water, attempting to lessen the unpleasantness through gradual exposure.
The chancellor began addressing the challenge of limited revenue near the end of the summer months. At first, she would not to uphold previous assertions that tax rises in the prior year's budget would be the final ones.
Then, in early November, she took a larger step into the freezing sea. Her remarks promised to "implement needed measures" to finance government services and maintain borrowing costs under control.
Within 10 days, the exchequer had withdrawn the implication. The election promise still stood after all. Similar to any icy-water bather understands, this halted dive and trembling withdrawal is the least effective of all approaches. No strategy extends the suffering like hesitation.
It can be hard to be decisive when choosing between degrees of internally generated harm.
Expectation has not been a great tactic for this government. Fundamental of the Labour leader's general election campaign was the unrealistic expectation of in some way fulfilling citizens' demand for enhanced state services without reversing significant amounts of Conservative reductions in taxation.
At no point has both Starmer or Reeves effectively expressed a impression of collective goal to explain all this hardship. Partly that is a problem of personality appeal. The prime minister and the chancellor are remarkably comparable in their poor communication skills, stilted and reticent in a way that repels the public away instead of pulling them closer.
In the same way that political pressure to invest in government services has compelled the finance ministry to admit that revenue must rise, the financial necessity of increasing prosperity makes it more challenging to disregard the cost of disconnection from the EU market.
Officials spent a period experimenting in the initial phase of realignment with the EU: proposals to eliminate import controls on food items; a student movement initiative. Vision went a bit deeper on power generation, defence and security cooperation, but no major deals has so far been agreed.
In the absence definite guidance and drive from Downing Street, negotiations are stuck. EU officials says single-market privileges are obtained with payments to the continental treasury. UK ministers are aware that's the agreement. That doesn't cause them keen for a visible argument and political opponents screaming disloyalty over whatever price ends up being agreed.
Economic reality has triggered some adjustment in Labour's language on the European question. Reeves has commenced citing EU withdrawal alongside the coronavirus crisis as a reason of economic damage that the finance ministry is striving to repair. Government colleagues have followed suit, although they carefully attribute the blame to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the manner of departure", never just "Brexit".
The issue of Britain's future relationship with the EU can't be limited to procedural changes and border mechanisms when the whole geopolitical order is in significant transformation. Given everything that has transpired since the referendum year, it feels reasonable still to be asking the fundamental issue: were Britain's interests served by leaving the European Union?
These represent harsh, difficult facts about Britain's position in turbulent world affairs. It is expected that both leaders recoil from the challenge. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into trends that they dare not swim against. So rather they carry on apprehensively pacing the coastline, hoping that maybe soon the situation will turn.
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Steven Proctor
Steven Proctor
Steven Proctor
Steven Proctor
Steven Proctor
Steven Proctor